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Like most places on Earth, Thailand has had a strange year. Its largest city, Bangkok, is the world's number one most visited city, measured by international arrivals. As the pandemic spread across the globe, it felt an even greater impact than other well-traveled cities like Paris, London, and Dubai. Markets, nightclubs, and temples were now suddenly empty after teaming with foreigners for years non-stop.
But only after a brief com period of strictly enforced curfew were the usual swarm of visitors replaced with a new one, pro-democracy protesters. Thousands of loosely organized students flooded the streets of Bangkok, defined the emergency lockdown orders to incite change long overdue. They asked for the resignation of the Prime Minister and reforms to the powerful monarchy. Currently, anyone found to have defamed, insulted, or threatened Thai royalty can be jailed for years, while the king spends much of his time relaxing at his villa in Germany, paid for by the Thai public.
One of the country's vocal opposition parties was legally dissolved by the courts in February. But while Thailand's current lack of tourists is highly unusual, these protests are not the least bit. One of the few consistencies and Thai politics is their extreme turbulence. The country has cycled through more governments than almost anywhere else in the modern world.
This timeline shows every coup and attempted coup since 1910, roughly 21, though there have been so many that experts disagree on the precise number. Notable is not just the sheer number, but also the frequency. The longest a single government has maintained power is 15 years, and just twice in the entire period. Only three other nations have had more constitutions, Haiti, Venezuela, and the Dominican Republic.
But there's a less obvious reason for Thailand's instability, one that has nothing to do with the monarchy, democracy, or even politics whatsoever. Looking at a map, you can tell a lot about a country, take away all labels, markers, and otherwise human-generated data, and you can still identify the ingredients of a nation. How big or small it is, which rivers or oceans it has access to, who its neighbors are, climate, latitude, forestation, shape, and so on. All of these things can affect a country's political stability.
A small European nation situated between two large powers and land masses, you can expect plenty of invasions, and it's no surprise that this hunk of snow has been well protected from attack. But what you can't tell from looking at a map is a country's concentration of power. Big or small, much more important when it comes to stability is where decisions get made, how many places and how far apart they are.
Of course, in no nation is power truly divided evenly. It always concentrates in pockets, just as water droplets naturally attract and combine. This is no surprise. Civilization, in general, develops unevenly. Once cities are founded, they experience network effects. When there's a critical mass of energy, transportation, buildings, and jobs, more people move, which in turn creates more of all those things, which again attracts more people and so on until they spill over into neighboring cities or grow to consume them entirely.
Still, there are limits. For example, simple geography may support several centers of power, like LA and New York on opposite coasts. The other reason for this growth ceiling are countervailing forces. For example, as cities like San Francisco grow, demand pushes rent to untenable levels, forcing an exodus in the opposite direction. So, while a country's largest city is usually far bigger than its second largest, this proportion varies based on many factors, like economic development. We can see this fact reflected in this list showing the ratio of a country's largest to second largest city.
It's primacy ratio. Those larger cities, which are at least twice as large as the next largest, are said to be primate cities. The exert outsized influence on the nation as a whole, and represented almost exclusively to the outside world. For example, the Greater London area is home to nearly 10 million inhabitants, far more than second place Manchester. Similarly, Mexico City is home to around 9 million people, about 7 million more than any other.
There are many other examples, including Cairo, Paris, Jakarta, and Seoul, but without a doubt, the absolute most primate of them all is Bangkok, Thailand, with at least 10 million people, depending on where you draw the metropolitan boundaries. This dwarfs the country's second largest city, which has only 385,000 people. That's a ratio of at least 26 to 1. No other large nation has a population this unbalanced, and yet it's home to nearly 70 million people, meaning almost everyone lives either around Bangkok or in one of its hundreds of small, distant cities.
The capital magnetically concentrates nearly every major institution, because where else would they go? Bangkok is home to two large airports, one serving as the hub for international flights, and the other for shorter regional ones. Its 50 districts reportedly grow by as many as a million people during the day, as workers commute from their homes outside the metropolitan area. The city is also home to nearly all of Thailand's major universities, along with the vast majority of its hospitals.
All together, Bangkok contributes 29% of the national GDP. In 2010, it accounted for 80% of all urban land. How does any of this relate to hourly coups? That's where geography and politics collide, because not only are all of Thailand's museums and schools here, but also all of its action. It houses the headquarters of all of its major banks, multinational corporations, the national stock exchange, national newspapers, broadcast media, publishers, and most importantly, branches of government. Bangkok singularly holds the country's monarchy, military, and bureaucracy, which in turn appoints all provincial governors and district officers.
For obvious reasons, Thailand has greatly benefited from this close proximity. Indeed, many nations nurse primate cities as a strategy for rapid development, hoping to later export their work across the country. Every financial or political decision can be made and executed within a few hours drive. There are no time delays or words lost in translation.
On the other hand, there's also a downside. Bangkok is a single imperative choke point, whose capture or disruption can cause every category of chaos across the rest of the nation. In small but symbolic and important physical arteries, roads, monuments, and government buildings are exactly the site's protesters seek to occupy and interrupt. The areas unusually poor city planning, or lack thereof, ensures that many streets are extreme bottlenecks, which if blocked can freeze entire regions.
All of these factors predispose Thailand to frequent coups, though not necessarily successful ones. Since after the physically small territory is captured, it can easily fall again. Of course, geography doesn't solely or even principally explain Thailand's instability. There are other political and structural reasons which would be foolish to overlook. For example, its mix of democratic institutions and unchecked royalty creates inevitable tension. But the primacy of Bangkok ensures that when they do happen, coups are relatively quick and decisive.
Just as important, the extreme contrast in living conditions, opportunities, and wealth between the nation's capital and the other 85% or so of the country fuels the desire for change in the first place. In other words, the very same inequalities which make revolution possible also motivate them, as the rural population craves the same attention and resources as the city. While these facts do not necessarily doom Thailand to an eternity of coups, they make real lasting change a slow effort. Still, progress is very much possible. The latest round of protests has broken the decades-long seal on criticizing royalty, opening the door to honest and open debate. When structural progress is eventually made, it will be thanks to the hard fought protests of today.
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